Campaigning For and Campaigning Against Prisons: Excavating and Re-affirming the Case for Prison Abolition. (Part Two)
Continued from ........Campaigning For and Campaigning Against Prisons - Part One.
Conclusion
Abolitionism has been consistently criticised for its idealism, its naiveté and for its apparent disregard for the victims of crime and the often-desperate depredations committed against them. In particular, it has been characterised as a movement which would simply 'tear down the walls' and allow prisoners their freedom, irrespective of their crimes. These crass caricatures, and the 'straw men' which underpin them, have had an impact on the prisons debate in three distinct ways.
First, they have distracted attention away from the richness and subtlety in abolitionist thinking which as noted above, has attempted to provide a model of confinement that recognises that some individuals need to be detained because of their predatory behaviour. It is the nature of that confinement which is the issue for abolitionists. Pat Carlen's abolitionist vision for women's prisons provides a clear model for responding to the crimes committed by women without degenerating into either idealism or naiveté. As Carlen has argued:
"To reduce the prison population we must first reduce the number of prisons; to reduce the number of prisons we must first abolish certain categories of imprisonment. Women's imprisonment is, for several reasons, a prime candidate for abolition. Those reasons can, first, be derived pragmatically from the characteristics of the female prison population and, then, be related more fundamentally to possible shifts in the social control of women and desirable shifts in the relationships between women and men.....I am suggesting that, for an experimental period of 5 years, imprisonment should be abolished as a 'normal' punishment for women and that a maximum of only 100 custodial places should be retained for female offenders convicted or accused of abnormally serious crimes" (Carlen, 1990: 121, emphasis in the original).
Second, these caricatures, particularly with respect to serious and dangerous crimes, distract attention away from the relationship between crime and social harm, and the impact of both on people and populations. In other words, while it is clear that there are individuals who have committed serious crimes, as conventionally defined by the criminal law, there are a range of other activities which can be equally devastating for those who experience them which are ideologically and materially marginalised by the criminal justice system and beyond that the mass media. As Paddy Hillyard and Steve Tombs have noted:
"Many events and incidents which cause serious harm are either not part of the criminal law or, if they could be dealt with by it, are either ignored or handled without resort to it.......corporate crime, domestic violence and sexual assault and police crimes [are] all largely marginal to dominant legal, policy enforcement, and indeed academic agendas, yet at the same time [they create] widespread harm, not least among already disadvantaged and powerless peoples. There is little doubt, then, that the undue attention given to events, which are defined as crimes, distracts attention away from more serious harm. But it is not simply that a focus on crime deflects attention from other more socially pressing harms-in many respects it positively excludes them" (Hillyard and Tombs, 2004: 13, emphasis in the original).
In making this point, it could quite rightly be argued that we are not saying anything new, crimes committed by the powerful have been a focus of attention and analysis for some criminologists since Edwin Sutherland developed his series of papers on white collar crime between 1940 and 1949 (Pearce and Tombs, 1998: 92). Crucially, however, in 2005, the depredations committed by the powerful - individuals, organisations, institutions and states - remain virtually ignored by those in the mainstream of the discipline to the point where, sixty five years after Sutherland's first paper, emerging paradigms such as 'crime science', and the very well funded research its protagonists carry out, can discuss 'new approaches to preventing and detecting crime' (Smith and Tilley, 2005) without considering the depredations of the powerful and the policy responses to them. The continuing failure to address these crimes by criminology has led to a reductionist and distorted theorisation not only around dangerousness and social harm but also with respect to what actions get punished and what do not get punished in the world of twenty first century capitalism. In this respect, the prison continues to exist and reproduce a vision of modernity that is based on delivering injustice rather than justice. As Wayne Morrison has noted:
"The relationship between conceiving global justice and modern forms of development is problematic, and one may suspect that a global justice is precisely what modernity is not orientated towards.........the biggest non-punitive area that we inhabit is the global international system. The century just concluded perhaps saw the greatest amount of inter-human slaughter, rape, and destruction of property of any century; in partial recognition of which we even created a new crime, genocide, but in the face of which extremely few persons were ever punished" (Morrison, 2005: 290).
The third point to consider is that these caricatures continue to distract attention away from the fact that even on its own terms the prison is an immensely destructive institution, both for those held in captivity and for those families and communities left behind. Foucault's famous, seven-point list which documents the abject failure of the modern prison at the precise moment of its birth in the early nineteenth century (Foucault, 1979: 268-270) remains pointedly and poignantly relevant today. At the time of writing (mid 2005) Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Prisons published two reports. The first concerned the women's unit in Durham prison. The report was based on an unannounced inspection and the Inspectorate found that six women remained in the unit:
"They were held in an environment that was even less suitable than the one we inspected last year. On all our tests of a healthy prison - safety, respect, purposeful activity and resettlement - the provision for women scored poorly.........The Prison Service itself was well aware that this situation was having a seriously damaging effect on the few remaining prisoners. Three months before this inspection, representatives of the women's team at headquarters had noted that distress levels were very high among the women and that there was a real risk of suicide unless significant changes were made quickly. In the three months before the inspection, four women accounted for nearly a third of self-harm incidents among the prison's total population of over 700; and seven of the fifteen most serious suicide attempts in the prison as a whole had been carried out by women (Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Prisons, 2005a: 5).
The second report concerned Holloway prison. Here the Inspectorate found that women in the prison 'felt noticeably less safe' compared with women in other prisons. This was due not only to:
"the unsafe built environment......but it also reflected the absence of systems and procedures that we expect to find in place for vulnerable women: proper reception and first night procedures involving residential staff, effective systems for identifying and dealing with bullying, positive engagement with women at risk of suicide or self-harm. Indeed, nearly a third of women claimed to have been victimised.......Black and ethnic minority women felt particularly vulnerable. Standards of cleanliness were unacceptable: there were pest infestations, many communal areas were dirty, rubbish-strewn or poorly decorated. The problems of the physical environment were exacerbated by the fact that signage, throughout the prison, was either missing or misleading, so that it was impossible for prisoners (and some staff) to orientate themselves" (Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Prisons, 2005b: 5).
These reports (and many more that are published each year by Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Prisons) not only provide an insight into the continuing corrosiveness of many prison regimes, but they also illustrate that the prison crisis, so often discussed by academics, politicians and media commentators, is also a crisis of liberalism in that this discourse can offer very little beyond the endless, debilitating cycle of crisis-reform-crisis. As Foucault has noted, 'word for word, from one century to the other, the same fundamental propositions are repeated. They appear in each new, hard-won, finally accepted formulation of a reform that has always been lacking' (Foucault, 1979: 270). Thus the key question that is always asked of abolitionists-is a world without prisons in their present form defensible and realisable? - should be turned on its head and instead it is liberal defenders of the reformist agenda who should be asked to justify their position. Can they, for example, imagine the world continuing with prisons in their present form given their malignant capacity for destroying rather than rebuilding lives? Should we not be thinking about the prison as a dysfunctional entity, as a place of punishment and pain, which instead of delivering redemption for the individual offender and protection for the wider society, is more likely to contribute to the psychological immiseration and sometimes physical destruction of offenders and to the maintenance of an unjust and unequal social system?
Asking these questions, and presenting the damning evidence against the institution, means that it is the liberal defenders of the system, and the reform industry that they sustain, who need to make the case for the institution's retention. With two hundred years of futile history behind it, the bankrupt nature of that reformist defence remains undiminished. We acknowledge that getting penal lobby groups and politicians to accept our abolitionist message will not be easy. Harried by a punitive and sometimes ignorant tabloid press, liberal reformers today huddle together defensively, unwilling to think "outside of the box." We hope this chapter, and indeed this book, will inspire them to be more ambitious, to challenge the orthodoxy of reform, and also to reach out beyond Whitehall to engage with the public, a public which in less deferential times increasingly refuses to be left out of the debate on contested penal questions like the future of the prison.
Abolitionism has been consistently criticised for its idealism, its naiveté and for its apparent disregard for the victims of crime and the often-desperate depredations committed against them. In particular, it has been characterised as a movement which would simply 'tear down the walls' and allow prisoners their freedom, irrespective of their crimes. These crass caricatures, and the 'straw men' which underpin them, have had an impact on the prisons debate in three distinct ways.
First, they have distracted attention away from the richness and subtlety in abolitionist thinking which as noted above, has attempted to provide a model of confinement that recognises that some individuals need to be detained because of their predatory behaviour. It is the nature of that confinement which is the issue for abolitionists. Pat Carlen's abolitionist vision for women's prisons provides a clear model for responding to the crimes committed by women without degenerating into either idealism or naiveté. As Carlen has argued:
"To reduce the prison population we must first reduce the number of prisons; to reduce the number of prisons we must first abolish certain categories of imprisonment. Women's imprisonment is, for several reasons, a prime candidate for abolition. Those reasons can, first, be derived pragmatically from the characteristics of the female prison population and, then, be related more fundamentally to possible shifts in the social control of women and desirable shifts in the relationships between women and men.....I am suggesting that, for an experimental period of 5 years, imprisonment should be abolished as a 'normal' punishment for women and that a maximum of only 100 custodial places should be retained for female offenders convicted or accused of abnormally serious crimes" (Carlen, 1990: 121, emphasis in the original).
Second, these caricatures, particularly with respect to serious and dangerous crimes, distract attention away from the relationship between crime and social harm, and the impact of both on people and populations. In other words, while it is clear that there are individuals who have committed serious crimes, as conventionally defined by the criminal law, there are a range of other activities which can be equally devastating for those who experience them which are ideologically and materially marginalised by the criminal justice system and beyond that the mass media. As Paddy Hillyard and Steve Tombs have noted:
"Many events and incidents which cause serious harm are either not part of the criminal law or, if they could be dealt with by it, are either ignored or handled without resort to it.......corporate crime, domestic violence and sexual assault and police crimes [are] all largely marginal to dominant legal, policy enforcement, and indeed academic agendas, yet at the same time [they create] widespread harm, not least among already disadvantaged and powerless peoples. There is little doubt, then, that the undue attention given to events, which are defined as crimes, distracts attention away from more serious harm. But it is not simply that a focus on crime deflects attention from other more socially pressing harms-in many respects it positively excludes them" (Hillyard and Tombs, 2004: 13, emphasis in the original).
In making this point, it could quite rightly be argued that we are not saying anything new, crimes committed by the powerful have been a focus of attention and analysis for some criminologists since Edwin Sutherland developed his series of papers on white collar crime between 1940 and 1949 (Pearce and Tombs, 1998: 92). Crucially, however, in 2005, the depredations committed by the powerful - individuals, organisations, institutions and states - remain virtually ignored by those in the mainstream of the discipline to the point where, sixty five years after Sutherland's first paper, emerging paradigms such as 'crime science', and the very well funded research its protagonists carry out, can discuss 'new approaches to preventing and detecting crime' (Smith and Tilley, 2005) without considering the depredations of the powerful and the policy responses to them. The continuing failure to address these crimes by criminology has led to a reductionist and distorted theorisation not only around dangerousness and social harm but also with respect to what actions get punished and what do not get punished in the world of twenty first century capitalism. In this respect, the prison continues to exist and reproduce a vision of modernity that is based on delivering injustice rather than justice. As Wayne Morrison has noted:
"The relationship between conceiving global justice and modern forms of development is problematic, and one may suspect that a global justice is precisely what modernity is not orientated towards.........the biggest non-punitive area that we inhabit is the global international system. The century just concluded perhaps saw the greatest amount of inter-human slaughter, rape, and destruction of property of any century; in partial recognition of which we even created a new crime, genocide, but in the face of which extremely few persons were ever punished" (Morrison, 2005: 290).
The third point to consider is that these caricatures continue to distract attention away from the fact that even on its own terms the prison is an immensely destructive institution, both for those held in captivity and for those families and communities left behind. Foucault's famous, seven-point list which documents the abject failure of the modern prison at the precise moment of its birth in the early nineteenth century (Foucault, 1979: 268-270) remains pointedly and poignantly relevant today. At the time of writing (mid 2005) Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Prisons published two reports. The first concerned the women's unit in Durham prison. The report was based on an unannounced inspection and the Inspectorate found that six women remained in the unit:
"They were held in an environment that was even less suitable than the one we inspected last year. On all our tests of a healthy prison - safety, respect, purposeful activity and resettlement - the provision for women scored poorly.........The Prison Service itself was well aware that this situation was having a seriously damaging effect on the few remaining prisoners. Three months before this inspection, representatives of the women's team at headquarters had noted that distress levels were very high among the women and that there was a real risk of suicide unless significant changes were made quickly. In the three months before the inspection, four women accounted for nearly a third of self-harm incidents among the prison's total population of over 700; and seven of the fifteen most serious suicide attempts in the prison as a whole had been carried out by women (Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Prisons, 2005a: 5).
The second report concerned Holloway prison. Here the Inspectorate found that women in the prison 'felt noticeably less safe' compared with women in other prisons. This was due not only to:
"the unsafe built environment......but it also reflected the absence of systems and procedures that we expect to find in place for vulnerable women: proper reception and first night procedures involving residential staff, effective systems for identifying and dealing with bullying, positive engagement with women at risk of suicide or self-harm. Indeed, nearly a third of women claimed to have been victimised.......Black and ethnic minority women felt particularly vulnerable. Standards of cleanliness were unacceptable: there were pest infestations, many communal areas were dirty, rubbish-strewn or poorly decorated. The problems of the physical environment were exacerbated by the fact that signage, throughout the prison, was either missing or misleading, so that it was impossible for prisoners (and some staff) to orientate themselves" (Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Prisons, 2005b: 5).
These reports (and many more that are published each year by Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Prisons) not only provide an insight into the continuing corrosiveness of many prison regimes, but they also illustrate that the prison crisis, so often discussed by academics, politicians and media commentators, is also a crisis of liberalism in that this discourse can offer very little beyond the endless, debilitating cycle of crisis-reform-crisis. As Foucault has noted, 'word for word, from one century to the other, the same fundamental propositions are repeated. They appear in each new, hard-won, finally accepted formulation of a reform that has always been lacking' (Foucault, 1979: 270). Thus the key question that is always asked of abolitionists-is a world without prisons in their present form defensible and realisable? - should be turned on its head and instead it is liberal defenders of the reformist agenda who should be asked to justify their position. Can they, for example, imagine the world continuing with prisons in their present form given their malignant capacity for destroying rather than rebuilding lives? Should we not be thinking about the prison as a dysfunctional entity, as a place of punishment and pain, which instead of delivering redemption for the individual offender and protection for the wider society, is more likely to contribute to the psychological immiseration and sometimes physical destruction of offenders and to the maintenance of an unjust and unequal social system?
Asking these questions, and presenting the damning evidence against the institution, means that it is the liberal defenders of the system, and the reform industry that they sustain, who need to make the case for the institution's retention. With two hundred years of futile history behind it, the bankrupt nature of that reformist defence remains undiminished. We acknowledge that getting penal lobby groups and politicians to accept our abolitionist message will not be easy. Harried by a punitive and sometimes ignorant tabloid press, liberal reformers today huddle together defensively, unwilling to think "outside of the box." We hope this chapter, and indeed this book, will inspire them to be more ambitious, to challenge the orthodoxy of reform, and also to reach out beyond Whitehall to engage with the public, a public which in less deferential times increasingly refuses to be left out of the debate on contested penal questions like the future of the prison.
Selected Further Reading
Scandinavian and Dutch criminologists were at the forefront of the abolitionist movement in the 1970s and 1980s. Some of these criminologists, Louk Hulsman, Nils Christie and Herman Bianchi, for example, directed their attention beyond prison abolition, arguing that the criminal justice system had stolen the entire business of resolving disputes between ordinary people, placing it instead in the hands of professional lawyers and the State, a process that had to be reversed. For examples of this wider critique see Nils Christie, The Limits to Pain (1981) and Herman Bianchi and Rene van Swaaningen's Abolitionism: Towards a Non - Repressive Approach to Crime (1986), and Willem de Haan's The Politics of Redress: Crime, Punishment and Penal Abolition (1990). As powerful as such critiques were, it is arguable British radical activists were more influenced by Thomas Mathiesen's The Politics of Abolition (1974) and Law, Society and Political Action (1980). These texts were not only more explicitly socialist but also they addressed the strategic and tactical concerns abolitionists faced as they sought to intervene against the prison and other forms of penal repression. For a detailed, British perspective on these debates, and the impact that the call for prison abolition had on liberal opinion, see Joe Sim's The abolitionist approach: a British perspective (1994a) and Mick Ryan's The Acceptable Pressure Group (1978). For a view from continental Europe on these political struggles, see Rene van Swaaningen's Critical Criminology: Visions from Europe (1997)
A full collection of The Abolitionist, the journal of Radical Alternatives to Prison, which contains a range of original writing on abolitionist theory and strategy, is held in the library of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
American abolitionist thought is discussed by Angela Davis in Are Prisons Obsolete? (2003). In particular, she criticises abolitionism for its lack of analysis of racism in the historical development of the prison, points to the processes through which gender structures prison regimes and considers strategies for abolishing American prisons. Julia Sudbury's A World Without Prisons? Resisting Militarism, Globalized Punishment and Empire (2004) develops these themes further and discusses the relationship between the processes of globalisation, the development of the prison industrial complex internationally and the need for abolitionist groups to make political links with the anti-globalisation movement.
Pat Carlen's Alternatives to Women's Imprisonment (1990) outlines an abolitionist strategy for women's prisons while John Braithwaite's Restorative Justice and a Better Future (2003) outlines the relationship between abolitionism and restorative justice. Bianchi and van Swaaningen's Abolitionism (1986) and West and Morris' The Case for Penal Abolition (2000) are two edited collections which bring various writers together to analyse different aspects of abolitionist thought, some of whom discuss the question of crimes of the powerful and how abolitionists should respond to them.
For how abolitionists have responded to the continued resilience of the modern prison, see two texts from Thomas Mathiesen, Prison on Trial (2000) and Silently Silenced (2004). See also Maeve McMahon's The Persistent Prison? (1992) and Nils Christie's Crime Control as Industry: Towards Gulags Western Style? (1993) also deal with this issue.
Two websites also contain further reading on abolitionist thought. Critical Resistance (www.criticalresistance.org) provides detailed information on the activities of various abolitionist groups in America. No More Prison (alternatives2prison.ik.com) is an abolitionist website based in Britain and posts a range of information and articles concerning the debates on, and politics of, abolitionism
Scandinavian and Dutch criminologists were at the forefront of the abolitionist movement in the 1970s and 1980s. Some of these criminologists, Louk Hulsman, Nils Christie and Herman Bianchi, for example, directed their attention beyond prison abolition, arguing that the criminal justice system had stolen the entire business of resolving disputes between ordinary people, placing it instead in the hands of professional lawyers and the State, a process that had to be reversed. For examples of this wider critique see Nils Christie, The Limits to Pain (1981) and Herman Bianchi and Rene van Swaaningen's Abolitionism: Towards a Non - Repressive Approach to Crime (1986), and Willem de Haan's The Politics of Redress: Crime, Punishment and Penal Abolition (1990). As powerful as such critiques were, it is arguable British radical activists were more influenced by Thomas Mathiesen's The Politics of Abolition (1974) and Law, Society and Political Action (1980). These texts were not only more explicitly socialist but also they addressed the strategic and tactical concerns abolitionists faced as they sought to intervene against the prison and other forms of penal repression. For a detailed, British perspective on these debates, and the impact that the call for prison abolition had on liberal opinion, see Joe Sim's The abolitionist approach: a British perspective (1994a) and Mick Ryan's The Acceptable Pressure Group (1978). For a view from continental Europe on these political struggles, see Rene van Swaaningen's Critical Criminology: Visions from Europe (1997)
A full collection of The Abolitionist, the journal of Radical Alternatives to Prison, which contains a range of original writing on abolitionist theory and strategy, is held in the library of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge.
American abolitionist thought is discussed by Angela Davis in Are Prisons Obsolete? (2003). In particular, she criticises abolitionism for its lack of analysis of racism in the historical development of the prison, points to the processes through which gender structures prison regimes and considers strategies for abolishing American prisons. Julia Sudbury's A World Without Prisons? Resisting Militarism, Globalized Punishment and Empire (2004) develops these themes further and discusses the relationship between the processes of globalisation, the development of the prison industrial complex internationally and the need for abolitionist groups to make political links with the anti-globalisation movement.
Pat Carlen's Alternatives to Women's Imprisonment (1990) outlines an abolitionist strategy for women's prisons while John Braithwaite's Restorative Justice and a Better Future (2003) outlines the relationship between abolitionism and restorative justice. Bianchi and van Swaaningen's Abolitionism (1986) and West and Morris' The Case for Penal Abolition (2000) are two edited collections which bring various writers together to analyse different aspects of abolitionist thought, some of whom discuss the question of crimes of the powerful and how abolitionists should respond to them.
For how abolitionists have responded to the continued resilience of the modern prison, see two texts from Thomas Mathiesen, Prison on Trial (2000) and Silently Silenced (2004). See also Maeve McMahon's The Persistent Prison? (1992) and Nils Christie's Crime Control as Industry: Towards Gulags Western Style? (1993) also deal with this issue.
Two websites also contain further reading on abolitionist thought. Critical Resistance (www.criticalresistance.org) provides detailed information on the activities of various abolitionist groups in America. No More Prison (alternatives2prison.ik.com) is an abolitionist website based in Britain and posts a range of information and articles concerning the debates on, and politics of, abolitionism
Joe Sim is Professor of Criminology at Liverpool John Moores University. He was a member of the editorial collective of The Abolitionist, the journal of Radical Alternatives to Prison. He has authored and co-authored a number of texts including British Prisons (with Mike Fitzgerald), Medical Power in Prisons, Prisons Under Protest (with Phil Scraton and Paula Skidmore) and Western European Penal Systems (co-edited with Vincenzo Ruggiero and Mick Ryan). His latest book The Carceral State: Power and Punishment in a Hard Land will be published by Sage in 2007.
Mick Ryan is Professor of Penal Politics at the University of Greenwich, London where he teaches criminology. He has been an active member of the penal lobby for many years. In the 1970s he was part of the governing nucleus of Radical Alternatives to Prison (RAP) and a member of the editorial collective of its journal, The Abolitionist. He later joined the executive committee of INQUEST, the organisation that investigates deaths in state custody, serving as its chairperson between 1992 and 1994. He has written extensively on penal matters in the United Kingdom, Europe and the North America, most recently, Penal Policy and Political Culture in England and Wales which was published in 2003 by Waterside Press.
Mick Ryan is Professor of Penal Politics at the University of Greenwich, London where he teaches criminology. He has been an active member of the penal lobby for many years. In the 1970s he was part of the governing nucleus of Radical Alternatives to Prison (RAP) and a member of the editorial collective of its journal, The Abolitionist. He later joined the executive committee of INQUEST, the organisation that investigates deaths in state custody, serving as its chairperson between 1992 and 1994. He has written extensively on penal matters in the United Kingdom, Europe and the North America, most recently, Penal Policy and Political Culture in England and Wales which was published in 2003 by Waterside Press.
References
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Polity: Cambridge.
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Cohen, S. (1981) 'Footprints on the sand: a further report on criminology and the sociology of deviance in Britain' in Fitzgerald, M. McLennan, G. and Pawson, J. (compilers) Crime and Society: Readings in History and Theory London: Routledge and Kegan Paul
Cohen, S (1985) Visions of Social Control Cambridge: Polity
Davis, A. (2003) Are Prisons Obsolete? New York: Seven Sisters Press.
De Haan, W. (1990) The Politics of Redress London: Unwin Hyman.
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Dronfield, L. (1980) Outside Chance London: RAP
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Ryan, M. and Ward, T. (1989) Privatization and the Penal System Milton Keynes: Open University Press.
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Sim, J. (1994a) 'The abolitionist approach: a British perspective' in Duff, A., Marshall, S., Dobash, R.E. and Dobash, R. P. (eds) Penal Theory and Practice: Tradition and Innovation in Criminal Justice Manchester: Manchester University Press.
Sim, J. (1994b) 'Reforming the Penal Wasteland? A Critical Review of the Woolf Report' in Player, E., and Jenkins, M. (eds) Prisons After Woolf: Reform Through Riot London: Routledge
Sim, J. (2000) "Against the Punitive Wind" in Gilroy, P. Grossberg, L. and McRobbie, A. (eds) Without Guarantees London: Verso
Sim, J. (2004a) The Crisis in British Prisons. Paper presented at the European Group for the Study of Deviance and Social Control, (British Section), London Metropolitan University, April.
Sim, J. (2004b) 'Militarism, Criminal Justice and the Hybrid Prison in England and Wales' in Social Justice 31, 1-2: 39-50.
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